What kind of work were older people doing in the 1891-1921 period?


Judith Davey

The descriptions of the occupational categories used in the censuses contain what we would consider outdated or even quaint language. They began “embracing all persons….” And continued as shown on the table below –



Change in categories over time

Throughout the 1891-1921 period the leading male occupations were the same for workers 65 plus and all male workers- primary production, industrial and commercial work. These three accounted for around 90% of older male workers, so the graph for older male workers is about the same in 1891 and 1921.

workforce graphs

The growth of workers in transport and communications work is masked when they are included under commercial. From 1896 this was a separate category and the number of males aged 65 plus engaged in this work grew from 378 in 1896 to 1064 in 1921 (nearly 300%).  Over the same period, the total male workforce in transport and communications also grew substantially. I am thinking that this had to do with the era of railway-building. In 1880 there was 2000km of railway in New Zealand, three-quarters in the South Island. The main trunk railway, from Wellington to Auckland, was built between 1885 and 1908.

The primary producer category continued to lead for older men, but the proportion fell as did the proportion in industrial work.

There was more change in the female categories. Although domestic work was among the three most common categories in all years (with the same for the female workers 65 plus) the proportion of all women in domestic work fell from 46% to 30% while the proportion of older women remained the same. Commercial work was important for older women, probably in retail trade, but industrial work dropped for women 65 plus. Work in the primary section remained important for both older men and older women, probably they were working on farms and in horticulture on family enterprises.

females better


In trying to analyse these trends, we must remember the “indefinite” category, which I excluded in the above calculations. This stayed about the same (2-3%) over the period I examined for all males. It was higher for all working-age women, but fell from 7.5% in 1891 to 2.6% in 1916.

There are more questions about the 65 plus age group. If there was no old age pension until 1898, why were just over half of Pakeha women in New Zealand in 1891 classified as “indefinite” (anyone “living upon incomes awarded for services rendered at some previous period, or upon incomes the source of which is not perfectly defined) rather than being dependent? Are there social historians out there who could help? Moving into the 20th century the proportion of older women in the indefinite category continued to be well over 40%. There are some indications in these figures that the availability of a pension was making “retirement” more possible for older men and women in New Zealand as the country moved into the 20th century.

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More older people in paid work – is this anything new?

Judith Davey 12/01/18

We hear a lot about people staying on in paid work after the age of eligibility for New Zealand Superannuation (I get cross when I hear people talking about the “age of retirement” when there isn’t one!). Is this a good thing – for themselves, for the economy and for the nation as a whole? Well, I have written about this myself, see my blogs in mid-2015. The numbers of both men and women aged 65 plus who are in paid work have increased rapidly recently and this is expected to continue. But then I wonder – what about the past? What was the situation then?

I found some census figures from the late 19th and early 20th centuries, with data on number of men and women in various occupations. Both sexes were quaintly divided into “breadwinners” and “non-breadwinners” or dependents (sic). No prizes for guessing the predominant sex composition of each category! These figures excluded Maori, and I have no way to correct that. I have added a footnote for those who would like to know more about early censuses in New Zealand.

Throughout the 1891-1911 period, females accounted for just under half of the European population. This grew to 50% in 1916 – probably because many men were abroad in the First World War. Females accounted for a smaller percentage of the 65 plus population, varying around 40%.

Non-breadwinners included “wives, relatives and others, if employed at all, in household and other pursuits for which payment is not usually made; also children and others being educated and persons supported by public or private charity or detained in penal institutions”.

How many older people were in the workforce then?

To approach this question you have to make a few assumptions, and so my answers can only be tentative.

• The occupation categories include one called “indefinite” which includes anyone “living upon incomes awarded for services rendered at some previous period, or upon incomes the source of which is not perfectly defined.” This would include people living on pensions, annuities or savings and not really in the workforce. So I have left this group out of my workforce category.

• To compare the proportion of people 65 plus in the workforce with the proportion of the total population, you have to make a stab at what could be called the “working age population”. I have taken this to be the 15-65 age group. There are young people in the 5-15 age group who are classified as working in the occupational groups. I am hoping that none of these were under about 13 (although I know my grandmother, born in 1882, went into “service” when she was 14).

• Just to remind you – there was no coverage of the Maori population.

Here are my results.

Percentage of males and females in the workforce, 1891-1921

Age groups 65 plus and 15-64 years


There is a very clear difference between the two age groups and between men and women workers. Males have much higher rates of participation, but the figures for men 65 plus are not far behind those for men in the general working age – 81% to 98% in 1891. In the same year 11% of women aged 65+ were in paid work and 25% of women in general (full table at end). So for older men certainly, a higher proportion were in paid work over the whole of this period than is the case now.

The graph lines diverge with time for both men and women. In 1921, still over 90% of working age men were in work, but for older men this had dropped to 70%. About a quarter of women were in the workforce throughout the period, but there was a drop for older women, down to 7% by 1921.

To explain these trends requires a look at the social and economic situation of early Pakeha New Zealand, along with retirement income provision . You may have some thought on explanations. I suggest that, in the mid-nineteenth century, European immigrants would mainly have been men well able to work and there would have been plenty for them to do. As the European population matured more people would have reached later life in the “colony”. The Pakeha population aged 65 plus had grown to 5% by 1921, for both sexes (from 2% in 1891). Sex role stereotypes were alive and well in the late 19th century and had not relaxed a great deal by the 1920s.

Next time I will go into the occupational breakdown by age and sex over the same historical period.


[1] The first general census in New Zealand was held in 1851, covering Europeans only (26,707) (information from the Encyclopaedia of NZ Vol.2, p.821-830). The 1877 Census Act called for censuses every 5 years. The first census of Maori was in 1857-1858 (56,049) but the results were uncertain and recorded only age, sex and subtribe. In 1926 a Maori census was taken in a more methodical way with a special schedule and Maori interpreters. The Maori schedule was dropped after 1945. Since then the census has covered everyone, with the same range of questions.

[2] In 1898, in a world first, New Zealand passed legislation to give a small means-tested pension from age 65 to people with few assets who were ‘of good moral character’.  Applicants had to have lived in New Zealand for the previous 25 years.

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InterRAI – progress and a farewell

Judith A, Davey


One of my blogs in May 2016 was entitled “A new tool for assessing need” and talked about interRAI assessments for aged care services which have been recently introduced into New Zealand. This is something of an update, as the 2016-17 interRAI (this is how it is presented) Annual Report has just been published. This combines, for the first time, the Governance Board Annual Report and the National interRAI Data Analysis Annual Reports.

There has certainly been progress in the interRAI sphere. The whole idea of interRAI is gaining acceptance among service providers, health professionals and the public, after some reservations about shifting to a new system, time taken for assessments and potential diversion of nurses’ time away from patient care. Some of these concerns figured in an independent review of the implementation of interRAI in aged residential care, which was published in March 2017. Since then, processes and policies have been “bedded in”, changes have been made in training and record-keeping, and new ways of using interRAI data are being explored. Numerous research projects are under way using this data, hopefully showing how aged care can be improved, once their results are publicised.

New interRAI instruments are being introduced, for example the interRAI palliative care assessment and there is talk of expansion into the mental health area and into ACC’s ambit. There is a question of whether interRAI will retain its current focus on older people as these new instruments can be expanded to cover all age groups. I wonder how Age Concerns would view this.

A lot of effort is going into the handling of data, to make it more accessible and useful. “Data visualisation “is intended to “make data come alive”. This is intended to be interactive and to allow data at national, regional, DHB and population sub-group levels to be extracted (see http://www.interRAI.co.nz/data).  This will still need a good level of computer literacy and care in its use as some of the data refers to assessments rather than people (individuals may have more than ONE assessment over the period in question). Also, of the population aged 65 plus, only 13% of women and 8% of men have had assessments. This will all have to be made clear. Most of the people involved are aged 85 plus. Females and people of European descent predominate, but this is in line with the demographic group as a whole.

Working with the Aged Care Association a new workshop for residential care managers and senior nurses, to make interRAI work better has been piloted and will be rolled out in the coming year. It also now possible for all aged residential care facilities to have individualised quarterly reports, which will help improve decision-making and planning, not to mention comparisons and “bench-marking.”

The report contains two case studies, which, for many people, will be more illuminating than graphs and statistics. The first focuses on people with dementia living at home. There are some interesting findings about this group (based on data from 35,500 home care assessments in 2016-17) –

17% of home care clients with dementia live independently, without support;

18% have full-time care from family and friends;

33% have daily episodes of troubling behaviour;

35% require extensive assistance or are completely dependent.


And of the people who care for those living with dementia –

44% report feeling distressed or angry because of the demands of care

55% report being overwhelmed by the person’s support needs.


This paints a worrying picture of individuals and families coping with a condition which is predicted to become more common as the population ages.

The second case study reports how a registered nurse in a residential care home is “making the most of interRAI”.  Instead of being frustrated that assessments were diverting her from caring responsibilities, the nurse now sees their relevance; allowing her to identify key areas for care planning and monitoring. Nurses can compare the prevalence of various conditions with national averages and with other DHBs. They can track improvement or otherwise on an individual basis over the course of several assessments.

There has certainly been significant growth in the use of interRAI in New Zealand. It is to be hoped that this will continue and that the focus should clearly remain on outcomes, especially for older people, improving their wellbeing and alleviating their health problems – also giving support to informal carers. The interRAI processes must not be ends in themselves. There is a danger that complicated high-tech “solutions” could go this way. I also hope that research based on interRAI data will always have an applied rather than a purely academic focus.

I have been a member of the interRAI Governance Board for over two years, representing the consumers’ point of view, which I have tried to apply whenever I could. My term has now come to an end and I will not be re-appointed. I have learned a lot!


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Pre-funerals – withdrawal from life or a celebration of positive ageing?

Judith Davey


Is long life a good thing or not? Human beings seem to be ambivalent. Over history and throughout the world, people have shown respect and support to eminent people by shouting “Long live……..”. In the Old Testament, long life was seen as a reward from God – “The fear of the Lord prolongs life, but the years of the wicked will be short” (Proverbs 10:27). An excellent initiative to show respect and support today is through Age Concern’s Dignity Champions scheme, which I have already joined. (See the Age Concern website for more information.)

On the other hand there are many negative connotation associated with living to a great age – senile, dotard. In 1600, Shakespeare, in As You Like It, typified the last stage of life – “second childishness and mere oblivion, sans teeth, sans eyes, sans taste, sans everything”.

And today we talk about the “burden” which older people impose on society – “greedy oldies”, the Grey Tsunami and so on.

But the concept of Positive Ageing implies that older people still have agency to take pleasure in their later years and celebrate their lives. This approach is epitomised in the contemporary Japanese celebration of “pre-funerals”

In a small wood-panelled room on the outskirts of Osaka, a band of mourners have gathered to raise prayers and burn incense for the departed. There is music and flowers and an empty casket. The departed — an elderly husband and wife — are standing with the congregation, still very much alive.

This is a seizensō, or living funeral. A relatively new trend for a country steeped in tradition, the concept was popularised by actress Junko Yamada, who televised her own living funeral. Purposefully upbeat in tone (one of the “hymns” chosen was Santa Claus is coming to town). Yamada shifted the focus from one of bereavement to a celebration of her life. It was an iconic TV moment, even if it was a parody of over-wrought celebrity memorials.

A Japanese anthropologist sees the living or pre-funeral as partly a reaction against routinised commercial funeral ceremonies organised by surviving relatives[1].  Instead it is something more personally meaningful with the “deceased to be” taking the lead in planning the ceremony and a central part, interacting directly with friends and relatives. This also reduces the emotional and financial stress on families – “I don’t want to cause trouble for others when I die.”

The pre-funeral allows people to be the centre of attention once in later life – he or she can say nothing to the congregation at a funeral. Pre-funerals are cheerful and festive, not sombre. Typically the event includes speeches, music, singing and socialising, with religion optional. It is an opportunity for the central actor(s) to say goodbye and thank those present. As is becoming common in New Zealand funerals and elsewhere, slide shows and videos provide a commentary on the person’s life.

There can be an element of leaving social obligations, or giving away possessions, taking up freedom to pursue personal pleasure and agency rather than dependence – older people taking charge of their lives. It can be a way of alleviating the guilt when elders need to go into rest homes and hospices, and grants the opportunity for the “departee” to maintain control of their own exit from family life.

Another factor may be the redistribution of wealth from one generation to the next. Soaring life expectancies mean that many older people are living well into their children’s sixties or even seventies. Where it exists, inheritance can be a retirement lump sum. This “starves” following generations from wealth which could have helped them to fund ever more expensive housing, education and other living costs. Living funerals can provide an opportunity for parents and grandparents to pass on their accumulated wealth. They can downsize to smaller homes and lifestyles, to give their adult children and grandchildren a boost in financial matters. They can also help to pre-empt arguments over inheritance and let the older people have a hand in its distribution.

There are some dangers, however. In Japan there have been stories of frail elderly people being bullied into pre-funerals by demanding children, whose interests are based on greed or what has been called “inheritance impatience”. Isolated elders may be duped by con-men posing as long-lost relatives.

So, as well as being a new cultural export from Japan, pre-funerals, which are becoming evident in the United States and Europe, may be either a valuable contribution to positive ageing and the agency of older people – or a new form of financial elder abuse?

[1] Satsuki Kawano (2004) Pre-funerals in contemporary Japan: The making of a new ceremony of later life among aging Japanese. Ethnology vol.43, no.2 p.155-165

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Tracking Living Costs for Seniors – CPI or HLPI?

Judith A.Davey


Most people will have heard of the consumers’ price index (CPI), which tracks changes to the prices of items that New Zealand households buy and so provides a measure of inflation. The CPI is used by the Reserve Bank to guide monetary policy; to adjust welfare benefit rates, and by employers and employees in wage negotiations. It can help to show how adequate incomes are in relation to price rises, which is especially important for older people, most of whom have fixed incomes with little opportunity to supplement them.

Statistics NZ has been measuring consumer prices for 100 years, but the goods and services measured in the CPI have changed, reflecting the changes in New Zealand society.

“In 1914 we collected prices for sago, tapioca, treacle, and tripe. Washing machines were added to the CPI in 1949 followed by refrigerators in 1955, televisions in 1965, and home computers in 1988[1]

It took until 1955 to include private motoring and beer in the CPI basket of goods and services and a further 20 years for wine and spirits to be included. There are now 11 CPI groups: food, housing and household utilities, health, recreation and culture, education, communication, clothing and footwear, transport, alcoholic beverages and tobacco, household contents and services, and miscellaneous goods and services.

Over the 100 years, prices for consumer items have increased 7,500 percent. Annual inflation averaged 4.4 percent. It was in double digits from 1973 to 1983, peaking at 19 percent in 1987, when GST was introduced.

In the 1990s a superannuitants’ price index was published. This showed a faster rate of inflation for renters than owner-occupiers. This index was discontinued in 1999. Due to aggregation and averaging, it did not show a great deal of difference from the general CPI, especially for home owners.

More recently a new set of household living-costs price indexes (HLPIs) have been developed, which track inflation as experienced by 13 different household groups.[2] One of these is superannuitants, but the groups also include beneficiaries and Maori. There are five groups of households according to level of expenditure.

The HLPIs arose out of consumer consultation by SNZ, which pointed out that the CPI was a macroeconomic indicator and an aggregate measure, rather than truly reflecting the living costs of households. For example, the CPI does not include mortgage interest payments, only the cost of purchasing new dwellings. What was needed were extra indexes to reflect changes in the purchasing power of incomes for different demographic groups. Data from Household Economic Survey in 1973/74 made constructing special indexes for particular household groups technically feasible. The data for these measurements began in the June 2008 quarter.

Superannuitant households are where the highest-income recipient receives a New Zealand government pension[3]. The figures show that these experienced the highest annual price change over the over the first years of the HLCIs.

The most recent HCLI data is for the September 2017 quarter, released on 27 October.

Household Living-costs price indexes, recent rises: –

                                                                      September quarter       Annual change 2016-2017

Lowest expenditure household [4]          0.8%                                 2.6%

Superannuitants                                            0.9%                              2.3%

Households overall                                        0.6%                            1.9%

This shows that cost inflation for the lowest-spending households increased 2.6% in the year to September 2017, well ahead of households overall (and especially the highest spending group, at 1.5%). Superannuitant households also had higher cost inflation rates, especially in the September quarter.

According to Stats New Zealand, poorer households experienced a greater impact from increased prices for rents, insurance, cigarettes and tobacco. Do you think that this also applies to superannuitant households? If not, what made their price inflation higher than average? High home-ownership costs have played a part – for rates and insurance – as most superannuitants own their homes. Local authority rates for the September 2017 quarter rose 3.4%, reflecting an annual increase. For superannuitants the cost of rates is a larger proportion of total expenditure than it is for other groups.

High-spending households benefitted from decreased prices for telecommunication services and audio-visual equipment, which may be seen as luxury items.

I welcome your comments about what might be causing these differences and if the HLCP Indexes are more useful than the CPI. We need to keep an eye on these measurements to see how they relate to the adequacy of retirement income.




[1] http://www.stats.govt.nz/browse_for_stats/economic_indicators/CPI_inflation/100-years-of-cpi.aspx

[2] Household living-costs price indexes: Background


[3] Similarly, beneficiary households are where the highest-income recipient receives a benefit payment.

[4] The lowest 20% in terms of household expenditure.

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Progression of Feelings about University Study  


Judith A. Davey


As the 60-plus students thought about their university experiences, there was a typical sequence of emotions.


Several were very unsure of themselves and their abilities at first. Lillian and Stan feared that their study skills would be out-of-date. Geraldine had thought “you had to be very clever – super intelligent – to go to university”. Frequently this was related to their age and the feeling that they would not “fit in” with the school-leavers at Victoria University.


As the older people moved into their courses, many of their fears proved unfounded. They adjusted and began to enjoy their study and interactions with younger and mature students.

I have been treated as “normal” by students and staff and in no way patronised. To me this was a surprise and a delight. (Stan)

You have to make an effort to fit it, not to take over in seminars, to listen. But the younger students were very tolerant and I have met some wonderful mature students. (Lillian)


Joy and excitement clearly shone through when interviewees spoke about their study experiences, especially the women.

It’s a lot of fun and I am having a wonderful time. I get more of an adrenaline rush with this research than with any job I could go for at my stage of life. (Katherine)

It’s magic – I really like history. People said “you’re drooling”.  I came away angry with dead teachers who only told us one side of the story. Study is addictive – now that it is over I am grieving. (May)

I found it liberating, exciting. In fact I need to get less excited. I fizz along too much. (Lillian)

It’s really heady stuff. Study has become a way of life. I can’t put it down. (Joan)

I almost felt like clapping in some of the lectures. (Stan)

Others were more measured in their reactions, but still talked about the pleasure of learning; the new vistas which their studies had opened up for them; the challenges, but also the stimulation when their abilities met the test.

Confidence and Self Esteem

Despite barriers and difficulties, for the majority of respondents university study ultimately became a source of confidence, respect and credibility and a boost to their identity as retired people. Even those who had lacked self-confidence initially began to feel they were proving themselves. In his music course, John was forced not only to compose a piece, but to sing his own song. He rose to the occasion:

They got me doing things I never thought I would.

Interviewees were proud to report the respect which study gave them and their families’ support. Diana’s children all had degrees and her husband was a retired scientist, still active in his field. She liked to feel that she was keeping up with him in her own way. Stan’s pleasure in learning was reinforced by knowing that “not only my children can do well.” Grace talked about her grand-daughter who is studying at another university.

She says “Grace, I like to see you doing that”. I think I encourage them, by obviously enjoying my study.

Cynthia also said her husband was secretly pleased at her achievements. She said jokingly – “He thinks it’s a bit of a hoot!” – but also felt that the satisfaction was shared by all her family. Nina felt that she was part of a family tradition of valuing education. All of her five children and now her ten grandchildren were well educated.

It shows my children and grandchildren that I am one of them. They tell people “my grandmother is at the university”.

Sheila summed up the pride in their achievements which infused many of the 60-plus students.

I am incensed when people just say, “I am doing some papers at Vic.” I say, “I am “working for a BA”. People say, “Are you really?” I like that. I have a new persona – university student.

This is not to suggest that everyone enjoyed such support. May’s daughter was horrified when her mother started a BA.  But her grandchildren were delighted and boasted about it. Others found their friends disinterested or even critical, but their confidence allowed them to ignore such attitudes.

Most of my friends think I am nuts. (Susan)

My friends almost sneered. They thought it wouldn’t last and said I would be bored. A lot of people still don’t know that I go to university; I try not to talk about it. (Stan)


For several of the interviewees, both men and women, the pleasure and satisfaction which they derived from study brought almost guilty feelings. Grace considered that she was being “wickedly self-indulgent;” Deirdre that she was “egotistical and self-centred”. These feelings were linked with a somewhat puritanical view that it could not be quite right to enjoy something so much, or that time should be spent in more altruistic pursuits. To counteract the feeling, interviewees frequently expressed the view that studying is good for older people, providing stimulation and structure in retirement. John’s mother died of Alzheimer’s disease. He was clear in his view that senile decay is staved off by activity.


Thus, looking back over their university experience, the interviewees mostly expressed high levels of satisfaction with their choice of courses and course content. Only a few expressed some dissatisfaction with teaching and assessment, and only four were dissatisfied with their own performance at university. Lillian and Stan felt that they were not thinking as quickly as when they were younger, but Joan was realistic – “Study is addictive, one always wants to do better.

Overall, I hope I have shown that educational involvement can indeed assist the transition to retirement and contribute to successful ageing in the psychological sense.



[1] Davey, J., Neale, J. and Morris Matthews, K. (Eds.) (2003) Living and Learning: Experiences of University after Age 40.  Wellington, Victoria University Press.

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Coping at University as an Older Person

Judith Davey


Once at university, the 60-plus students faced a range of factors, which impinged on their view of themselves as students and retired people[1]. The majority mentioned barriers to achieving their study objectives. These concerned life situations, especially time constraints. Comparatively few mentioned money as a personal problem, but several commented that study was an expensive business for retired people.

Barriers, arising from university systems and facilities were sometime mentioned. Diana complained about library restrictions and John about a shortage of computers. Some of the post-graduate students were having problems with supervision – finding appropriate supervisors; being accepted by the department; and the assessment system –

It has taken so long to get the second examiner’s report in for my thesis. I feel disappointed, isolated and frustrated – it has already taken some of the shine off. (Cynthia)

Thus far, these barriers were shared by adult students in general. But some were more clearly age-related. Students aged 60-plus were more likely to mention health problems, less effective memory and lower energy levels. Katherine found it hard to climb uphill to some of the classrooms. Rose and Sheila complained of lack of energy and arthritis. The men in particular suggested mental disadvantages, especially poorer memory, slower and less reliable thinking processes. As a result, examinations were almost universally stressful and difficult.

The head doesn’t work quite as well as it used to. (Trevor)

Older people are not as quick, more anxious, worry a lot. (Joan)

Despite the high proportion citing disadvantages for older students, almost all the 60-plus group thought that there were advantages. Life experience was stressed. This could bring greater tolerance and breadth of vision.

Older students bring life experience – they can see what authors are on about, how their minds work. Young ones are quicker and brighter and do get A’s, but they have tunnel vision. They see everything in black and white. (Rose)

Fewer distractions, ability to focus more, hormonal level zilch and I can spell. (May)

Don and John considered that older students could get on better with the university staff. Rae said that study keeps you mentally alert – “otherwise you would seize up like an old car”. In a more practical vein, several interviewees mentioned that students 60-plus had more time and fewer family demands to cope with. However these barriers were not completely absent.

There were a few comments about attitudes towards older people at university. Some felt a lack of opportunity to draw upon their experience or have opinions respected. Others found that relationships with younger lecturers could be difficult –

You can seem presumptuous and making things difficult. (Chris)

 Young people are embarrassed to tell older people what to do or feel they will become domineering. (Don)

Only Geraldine, however, felt that she had suffered seriously from ageism and sexism –

Members of staff do not take one as seriously as younger students. Mentoring is not as available for older students in my experience.

Thus, apart from accepting the physical and mental effects of age, the 60-plus students did not perceive any greater barriers to educational involvement than people in the 40-59 age group, and their attitudes were equally positive.

Outcomes of study

Apart from a boost to confidence and self-esteem, what else emerged from the experiences of the 60-plus group at Victoria University?

Gaining a qualification

It has been assumed that older learners are not interested in qualifications, grades and competition. This did not ring true in the Victoria University study. Retired people may want qualifications for personal accomplishment and satisfaction.

I achieved more than I expected of myself. It’s the satisfaction of achieving a degree and pleasure of study. Without a purpose I would rot away. (Laura)

The qualification is not important but it is important to finish for my self-esteem. (Katherine)

A smaller group felt that the degree was not an end in itself –

A BA is not important but I can’t see the point of flogging your way up there (to university) without there being something at the end. (Sheila)

Or even that it had become devalued –

It is not important for me to get a degree – a BA doesn’t have the aura it had years ago. It means nothing now; it’s not rare. (Chris)

Further Study

Many of the interviewees had considered that they were “not very bright”, but proved otherwise.  Several regretted not having studied more when they were younger. But this did not deter them from further study. Rose, Sheila and Joan were considering embarking on PhDs, but all had some reservations, in terms of their abilities, energy and financial resources. Others were contemplating further courses on an ad hoc basis. For example, Chris was seeking to move out from language study into (to him) more challenging areas such as philosophy and linguistics.

Advice to other older students

The respondents were asked what advice they would give to older people contemplating university study. The overall response was unequivocal encouragement.

Do it now. You don’t get any younger. (Katherine)

Go for it. Life begins at university. You can do it! (May)



[1] See Davey, J., Neale, J. and Morris Matthews, K. (Eds.) (2003) Living and Learning: Experiences of

University after Age 40.  Wellington, Victoria University Press.


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